Nursing Assignment Paper on Patient Advocacy: Bahraini Nurses Experiences of patient advocacy in surgical hospital setting

Patient Advocacy: Bahraini Nurses Experiences of patient advocacy in surgical hospital setting

Chapter 3: Findings Discussion


The motivation behind this research was to examine and explain the viable challenges, boundaries, and issues that nurses experience when advocating their patients. The point was to publish the findings of the research with a specific end goal to give material that nurses may discover valuable when advocating for their patients. The research question should be, “What hindrances do nurses face when advocating for their patients as a rule of nursing? “.

Nursing advocacy is a current thought, its commencement being in the patient advocate development of the 1970’s. Its essentialness and unmistakable quality are reflected by its incorporation by different nursing bodies into their codes of morals. Notwithstanding this, conclusion is captivated as to the nature and degree of nursing advocacy. Nurses have reported “disappointment” and “displeasure” because of them needing to advocate for the benefit of the patient. Research including British nurses in senior positions has uncovered convictions that the practice is liable to inconsistencies and mysteries and can result in between expert conflict inside the human services framework.

The thought that patients need advocates does not appear to be in question. What is antagonistic is whether nurses are in the perfect position to embrace such work or whether the act of advocating for the patient ought to be re-relegated to nursing’s proficient affiliations (Welchman et al. 2005, 296). Nursing advocacy exercises have gotten less scope in the research writing than the concept itself (Vaartio et al. 2006, 283). In 2002, a paper distributed by Hewitt in the Journal of Advanced Nursing, intended to discriminatingly survey the contentions debating the part of the nurse advocate. Hewitt noted an awkwardness in the amount of exact research into the concept of nursing advocacy with the lion’s share of research focusing on hypothesis and concept (Hewitt 2002, 439). By combining empirical research that gives samples of the difficulties nurses confront in the field, it is intended to enlighten how the theory of nursing advocacy transition into practice.

Discussion of the Findings

The nature of the intricacy of deciding the importance of advocacy highlights the challenges confronted by nurses in looking into this subject. It is recommended here that any exhaustive assessment concerning the nature of advocacy could not would like to be effective unless it was multidisciplinary. A conceivable limit of both the articles combined for this study and this study itself is the phenomenological nature of the procedures utilized. Phenomenology is concerned with the existing knowledge of individuals.

Phenomenological research expects to focus the perfect example of the phenomena and tries to focus the intent to the individuals who experience it (Polit et al. 2012, 56). The last few decades have seen phenomenology turn into a prevailing method for procuring nursing information. One explanation behind this is that it gives off the impression of being a valid option to empirical science in endeavoring to comprehend nursing in connection to existing experience (Earle 2010, 291). Whilst phenomenology expects to make clear encounters of genuine occasions, the undetermined nature of the expression “nursing advocacy” may mean it is basically difficult to treat the results with any consistency. By taking a phenomenological approach and asking nurses what their encounters are, we can confirm that a few nurses who accept they are pushing to face certain impediments, yet we are not able to basically figure out what that activity was and assess whether it was surely an advocacy activity. This is a limit of a phenomenological system. This is especially in connection with the fact that first research whereupon nurses base their knowledge and suppositions about what advocacy may be is focused around phenomenological decided information which in itself may be problematic. For instance, this research has uncovered that nurses accept a cordial air imperative in advocacy. This backs the acknowledged hypotheses that Gadow and Curtzin make about the way of advocacy. On the other hand, their hypotheses are assumptions and have not been discriminatingly tested despite the fact that they give off the impression of being broadly acknowledged. It is impractical to determine whether the feelings of the nurses are their own or whether they are impressions of the broadly held convictions on the subject. Reproducing et al. (2013) noted that it stayed “hard to definitively investigate advocacy due to the absence of a concession to what it is” (Breeding et al. 2002, 110). 

Notwithstanding the over, the consequences of this research demonstrate with some assurance than numerous nurses who accept they are upholding for their patients confront genuine, substantial deterrents currently doing so.

These hindrances are assorted and broad. The nature of the nurse-doctor relationship is conspicuous in large numbers of the hindrances reported incorporating immediate conflict with the doctor and doctors being ignorant of the concept of nursing advocacy. Hewitt notices the unfriendliness of doctors at the thought of nursing advocacy in her paper, “A discriminating audit of the contentions debating the part of the nurse advocate” from 2002 (Hewitt 2002, 441). Curtiss and Tzannes (2011) have researched and explained on the thought of viable correspondence with doctors (Curtiss et al. 2011, 13-20). Positively the results of this study demonstrate that an enhanced correspondence with restorative associates would go far towards uprooting the snags of meeting with a doctor, provocation, and obliviousness of the concept of nursing advocacy.

The aforementioned article by Hewitt (2002) reports an illustration of nurses having lost their work on account of their apparent obligation to advocate for patients in issues conflicting with the health facility approach (Hewitt 2002). Willard (1996) reports of progressive structures in the British NHS, which confine the capacity of nurses to advocate (Willard 1996). These perceptions are upheld by the consequences of this study, which reported conflict with an employer organization and apprehension of downfall of a vocation.

How nurses see conflict is not consistently negative. Mallik reports that Kohnke (1982), Curtin (1979) and Winslow (1984) all claim that training is crucial in that it readies the nurse for the conflict that will take after on the off chance that they advocate (Mallik 1997, 130-138). What is not made clear is whether this foreseen conflict is undesirable or whether it constitutes productive conflict or a contention directed in hostile concordance. That is, the moment  two restricting sides set varying contentions trying to determine a troublesome issue in an environment of shared appreciation. A few nurses have perceived the nature of conflict as positive, basic and a normal part of advocacy as opposed to a deterrent. This contrast in disposition is reflected in a study by Ahern et al. (2002) into the convictions of nurses who were included in a whistle blowing occasion that uncovered that nurses had a tendency to fall into two classes; the individuals who saw nursing ought to regularly lead nurse scholars to ask the question “for what good reason?”. (Wurzbach 1999, 94-97.)

It ought to further be concern to note that such an examination ought to focus on the structure that legal advocacy takes and the substance, at the end of the day the structure of the advocacy relationship between the stakeholders. In the law, advocacy exists as a common understanding between two experts of equivalent standing whose design is to present a contention to be chosen by a fair-minded outsider. The proof introduced by this audit proposes that such an element does not promptly exist in the relations in the middle of doctors and nurses. Interestingly, a few authors have proposed that such infirmity from nurses makes them a flawless accomplice for patients in advocacy. Nurses are mindful of themselves being seen as short of what equivalent according to the therapeutic calling, and some have contended that advocacy is a helpful method for tending to that lopsidedness, when it is not difficult power but instead communicating a worry (Snelgrove 2000, 666).

Nurses joining patients in a position of subservience to doctors does not correspond with the legal model of advocacy where advocates are viewed as equivalent before an unprejudiced outsider. It is critical to measure the activities of advocacy against the similitude of legitimate advocacy with the goal that those activities that don’t fit could be reconceptualised as something else which may demonstrate more valuable, less befuddling and scatter the myths about what nursing advocacy is. The importance of advocacy seems distinctive for diverse nursing experts. Surely, the proof uncovered by this study recognizes diverse activities that are all conceptualized under the umbrella term of advocacy. It may be helpful in future to reconceptualize these activities. For instance, securing patients from illicit and dishonest activities is, for instance, broadly referred to as an appearance of advocacy (Jowers Ware et al. 2011, 26). This is needed by the American Nurses Association whose code of morals state that nurses “must be caution to and make fitting move with respect to cases of uncouthness, dishonest, unlawful, or impeded practice by any part of the medicinal services group or framework or any follow up on the piece of others that places the rights or best interest of a patient in peril.”

Numerous occasions that would fall into this class are however unmistakably unlawful, and all things considered it is the obligation of each social insurance supplier to report them paying a little respect to whether they have an order to advocate. This demonstration of checking and reporting would be all the more conveniently portrayed as “great legislation” or “best practice,” that is to say, that the nurse is guaranteeing that manages are taken after, and benchmarks kept high. These activities are confounded by including the expression “advocacy” to the mathematical statement.

Whilst numerous advocacy activities may not qualify as being what is indicated if contrasted with the structural figurative model of advocacy in law, some unmistakably do. That is those activities where the doctor is ready to enter into a dialog and where a hostile notion is considered. There is recounted proof both in Finland and the United Kingdom and in the research articles surveyed for this paper where doctors have invited discriminating information into the open deliberation about how to treat a patient. The term advocacy could be saved for where its significance most nearly takes after that of the structure of law. Different exercises could be reconceptualised as it were, for example, great influence that would demonstrate valuable to the nursing calling. Allmark and Klarzynski (1992) comment that wide definitions cheapen the concept of advocacy.

Nurses can satisfy the part of banding together doctors in guaranteeing the best diversions of their patients are acknowledged, when the nurse is no more  expected to be dutiful or subservient to the doctor, but instead, when the nurse’s self-ruling part is esteemed and is seen as being integral to that of a doctor. 

Extensively described, the results demonstrate an absence of backing on an institutional level and the absence of mindfulness in the therapeutic calling on the concept of nurses going about as patients’ advocates. Hindrances to advocacy uncovered by this research are unpredictable, broad and multifaceted. They could be extensively portrayed as preconditions or forerunners and negative outcomes or obstacles. The forerunner nurses need so as to be prepared to advocate entails having certainty and additionally hypothetical and down to earth information and particular knowledge of the patient. Obstructions incorporate conflict with the employing institution, clash, restorative predominance, negative results, badgering, issue and obliviousness of the concept.

These results substantiate large numbers of the consequences of past research into the boundaries confronted by nurses who advocate for patients. This research does not substantiate the claim that time is a component or deterrent in advocating in the interest of patients.

Discussion in Context of Past Researches

The results are examined in the setting of reviews into nursing advocacy that have been conducted throughout the most recent twenty years and with the results of alternate articles prohibited from this study. The three surveys conducted have been by Mallik, “Advocacy in nursing –an audit of the writing” (1997), Macdonald, “Social morals and advocacy in nursing: writing survey” (2006) and “Nursing advocacy –an audit of the observational research 1990-2003,” (2004) by Vaartio and Kilpi 2004. It ought to be noted that it was not foreseen that applicable obstructions or deterrents would be uncovered by other stakeholders in the arranging of the strategy. Doctors specifically uncovered correlated data that speaks to huge snags for nurses to advocate and consequently this sudden information is incorporated and blended close to that of the nurses in this study.


Confrontation is generally seen  through the articles reviewed this research. The characteristic of the encounter is reflected in the three sub-classifications; “conflict with the employing establishment,” “clash” and “medical strength.” Clash in this research appears to be unmistakably portrayed between the doctor and a nurse, or the employing organization and the nurse.

Being in “clash with the employing establishment” was the first sub-class and displayed itself in the research of Jackson (1997) and Hart (1998). Conflict was the second sub-classification and was apparent as a hostile confrontation with a part of the therapeutic calling in the research of Snowball (1996) and as a meeting with a doctor in the research of Hart (1998). the third sub-class was medical predominance and is shown in circumstances where doctors accepted decision-making as the sole protection of the medicinal calling. The article by Mcgrath (2006) reports the prevalence of the medical calling in choice making or at the end of the day medico-anti extremism, as a wellspring of a potential clash.

The article by Snellgrove (2000) referred to the way that doctors and nurses had diverse plans regarding what qualified the nurses to have the capacity to address or take part in a discussion identified with the patient’s treatment. Nurses were of the conclusion that they needed to proceed with training and preparation so as to be qualified to advocate, in as much as doctors esteemed experience. It may imply that doctors may take the age of the nurse into consideration when making judgments about their capacity to offer substantial info.

 The reporting of clash backs the cases that advocacy can prompt clash with the interdisciplinary group (Mallik 1998, 130-138). The consequences of the clash and negative results reverberate findings by Vaartio and Kilpi (Vaartio et al., 2004) in their review of the observational research from 1990 to 2003 (Vaartio et al. 2004). Clash is not generally reported in a negative manner. A few nurses candidly perceive and anticipate that it will be a typical piece of the advocacy process. Snellgrove (2000, 666)  refers to an illustration where the nurse claims they are “not hesitant to test” an expert about fitting torment easing levels and will “unashamedly challenge particularly in the event that I have an options recommendation” (Snelgrove 2000, 666).


The class of information is subdivided into two sorts, “advanced education” and “adapting by doing”. A requirement for advanced education was specified in the studies by Snowball (1996). It is intriguing to note that this need was seen by nurses and did not so much associated with what doctors accept to be profitable qualities in nurses. This reflects the conclusions of the doctors reporting clash in the past topic. Absence of training or experience might be seen as both the reason for the clash and as a premise for misconception and is identified with the accompanying topics that were created. Mallik (1998, 135) reports that nurses are for the most part caught off guard for advocacy unless they are taught and prepared to do so (Mallik 1998, 135). The sub-classification of taking in by doing was combined from the articles by Mcgrath (2006), alluding to abnormal amounts of pragmatic knowledge and Vaartio et al. (2006) alluding to the hypothetical and reasonable skill of the nurses.


The classification of dilemma is an immediate aftermath of the nurse encountering a clash of interests. Hart accounted for clash of interests in his study (1998) in the context that nurses were once in a while mindful of two concurrent philosophies among themselves. Clash of interest may emerge where a nurse discovers that they are not able to satisfy the wishes of relatives with diverse ideas and appeals, as reported by Hart (1998). Hart (1998) likewise refers to a sample where nurses may end up in a clash of interests when they take after patient’s wishes that may vary from those of relatives. These samples are appearances of the routes in which advocacy may be described as a dilemma.


Ignorance as a classification is further characterized as an absence of consciousness of the idea or substance of advocacy. It is available in both doctors and nurses. Hart (1998) notes that nurses have reported being indistinct about the part of the nurse as a patient advocate. Vaartio et al. (2006) report the requirement for nurses to be mindful of the right of patients to act independently. 

Snowball (1996) and Mcgrath (2006) report separate examples where doctors were ignorant or did not have a dialect to express nursing advocacy. This in itself could possibly prompt clash as an aftermath of false impression. It is observable by its exclusion in the majority of the research checked on that the doctor’s entitlement to withhold data is not mentioned. This may imply that nurses are ignorant of this right. This right, which has been tried under British law, could prompt immediate clash with the nurse in occasions where he or she accepts the patient ought to be completely educated. It is conceivable that nurses are uninformed of this legitimate point of reference.

It possibly that nurses are insensible of some of a doctor’s parts and obligations as doctors perhaps oblivious about those of nurses. Kohnke portrays advocacy as being established in guaranteeing patient determination toward oneself over choice making (Macdonald 2006, 120). However safeguarding this determination toward oneself may bring the nurse into immediate clash with the doctor polishing the helpful benefit.

Knowing the patient

The sub-class, “knowing the patients needs and wishes, characterizes the idea of the classification “knowing the patient.” Vaartio et al. (2006) record both knowing the needs and desires of patients through dialog as well as being mindful of the needs of those patients who can’t express their goals for themselves. Investing time with the patient to wind up acquainted with their wishes is noted by Mcgrath (2006).

The results somewhat help the findings from the quantitative researches of Thacker (2008), Black (2011) and Jowers-Ware (2011) that were avoided from the research. Together they reported the doctor, alarm, absence of correspondence, absence of information and absence of help that fit inside the calculated structure of the codes shaped from this research. Lack of time as an impediment, which was accounted for by Gosselin-Acomb (2007), Thacker (2008) and Jowers-Ware (2011) was not substantiated by the review of articles for this research. It could be contended that for a percentage of the hindrances experienced, successful or expanded correspondence could help somehow to understand combative issues. Curtis et al. (2011, 13) state that poor correspondence between medicinal services experts and correspondence over-burden are indicated to have a negative effect on patient prosperity and staff (Curtis et al. 2011, 13). Translated comprehensively, the results could be portrayed as either precursors or obstructions.


The results in this classification could be depicted as either preconditions or forerunners. They are either qualities that a nurse must have kept in mind the end goal to be trained to advocate or great conditions in the environment. They are considered for the reasons of this research to be deterrents in light of the fact that their absence of vicinity hinders the capacity of the nurse to advocate. Sub-classifications in this group were; association with the patient, human attributes and conducive environment. In the sub-class, “association with the patient,” nurses were expressive in conveying what they thought was paramount in enabling a nurse to advocate.

Nurses in the article by Snowball (1996) reported both that it was vital to have a cordial demeanor with the patient furthermore to demonstrate a typical mankind with them. This reflects the speculations of Gadow and Curzin, who case being candidly included with the patient was vital in empowering advocacy.

The second sub-class was “human traits.” In both the articles by Snowball (1996) and Mcgrath (2006) nurses reported the requirement for certainty as an essential to advocacy. The article by Mcgrath (2006) additionally reported the nurses required an expert conduct. The article by Vaartio et al. (2006) reported the capability of nurses to act self-sufficiently as a precondition. These results reflect the perceptions of Mallik (1997, 135), that encounter and individual qualities are both important to advocate (Mallik 1997, 135). The third sub-classification in this gathering is “the earth” and insinuates not just too the inspirational demeanor in different parts of a multidisciplinary group additionally to the way of the social insurance foundation. Snowball (1996) reports the requirement for a helpful environment to backing the part of the nurse as advocate. Rearing (2002) reports the requirement for a steady state of mind from partners. Mcgrath (2006) reports on the need of multi-disciplinary acknowledgement of the idea of advocacy.


The class of fear is subdivided into two sub-classes, “expected negative results” and “provocation”. In the sub-class of expected negative outcomes, dread of downfall of vocation shows up in the article by Jackson (1997), misery being brought about by the closeness to the patient in Snelgrove (2000), negative input from patient or doctor by Vaartioet al (2006) and negative effect on the profession likewise by Vaartio et al. (2006). The sub-class of provocation was blended from Jackson (1997) as minimization by different parts of the staff and from Breeding (2002) as agony a rude remark or open embarrassment by a doctor. Mallik as a conceivable deciding aftereffect of having advocated (Mallik 1997, 136) accounts for the loss of occupation, as well as status. In 2006, Japan presented a whistleblowing act trying to battle the danger of loss of business by those representatives who reported carelessness (Davis 2007, 195). Begining 2011, twenty-one US states had administered to present a security for informants (Black 2011, 29). Nurses have been demonstrated to manage dangers or intimidation in diverse ways. The nurses in the article by Jackson (1997) examined for this survey felt trapped and frail without response to enhance their circumstance. In comparable situations where nurses have been brought into situations where they accepted the standard of forethought to be poor over the establishment have left after the first day (Black 2011, 27).


This research has discovered that genuine, substantial issues and challenges show themselves as an aftermath of nurses polishing what they accept to be advocacy. Endeavors to conquer the deterrents of patient advocacy in nursing practice cannot plan to be fruitful without addressing the disarray and the absence of an accord that encompasses the concept of nursing advocacy. The reason for the large number of the obstructions reported is absence of institutional help and absence of mindfulness. The peculiarity here is that genuine, unmistakable, and unmistakably characterized issues are emerging from something, advocacy, which is poorly characterized and with different implications and connections. The main driver of this hypothetical perplexity is the absence of accord in definition. The nature of the intricacy of deciding the significance of advocacy highlights the troubles confronted by nurses.


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