History Essay On White Indentured Servitude in Barbados

White Indentured Servitude in Barbados

Introduction and Background Information

            The colonial history of Barbados can be traced back to 1625 when an English ship, on its way to Brazil, arrived there and took ownership in the name of James I of Britain. In Barbados, the typical social issues of racism, captivity, and equal rights among the whites can all be tracked to the battle between the elites who owned farms and practiced farming, the employees who acted as servants, and slaves who opposed their oppression.[1] The prompt actions of the political affiliates in the context of slavery were an issue of importance to Barbados since the colonial history of the land began with slavery actions. Slavery in Barbados began after Captain Powell introduced ten slaves island, which could be used to keep captives. The population of the slave inhabitants in the 1650s was still small with less than 50 Amerindian and African slaves operating within the area, working on the lands and in the homes.

The major target of historical rulers in Barbados was use slaves as the main source of workforce and to improve the country’s economic status. The only challenge the country was facing was the social groupings based on incomes and individual status. The rift between the rich and the poor determined an individual’s position within the society. Based on the economic positions, this rise in low slave population was as a result of only a few rich masters having the ability to acquire and retain slaves during those years.[2]  Slaves and slavery was significant in the historical developments of Barbados. This attribute of merged as the only distinction between the oppressed and their oppressors and since the country would major in production of agricultural products, slaves would offer the basic ground for cultivation, planting and harvesting at relatively cheaper operational costs.

            Barbadians originally heavily invested in planting tobacco and cotton, which was considered as the major source of livelihood and this would even extend to neighboring countries. Due to the inadequate profits generated by these crops, sugar was produced by small farmers who in the 1650s sold to the huge plantation owners.[3] The shift in farming methods meant an inclusion of proper planting techniques in order to boost harvests and still remain at the realm of economic performances, basically from agricultural outputs. This change from tobacco and pure cotton to sugar is probably the most significant in the record of Barbados concerning agricultural production and consequential growth in plantation farming.

Contractual processes within agricultural production were considered to have far-reaching implications not only to Barbadians but also to their close business associates across various regional boundaries. Essentially, the sift in agricultural processes and inclusion of huge sugar plantations saw an emerging trend in conversion of small holdings into huge properties and the end of the small farmers. This meant that more laborers would be required within the sugar plantations, an in the management process of both small holdings and huge properties. The search to include physical workforce in plantations prompted the beginning of the end of indentured Western laborers, and the extreme decrease of the white colored population; and the extensive importation of black slaves from Africa who offered farm labour.[4]

History of Slavery in Barbados

            The slaves who were introduced in Barbados came from diverse communities in West Africa. Those from African communities included the Igbo and the Eboes who found their way to Barbados through the trading activities conducted by the slave masters who had built their empires on the West African shores. These areas in western shores of Africa had outstanding history of trade and the exchange process was purely commodity for commodity with very few instances of money involved. After being exchanged for ornaments, the captured slaves were then exported to the Caribbean and then sold to the plantation masters who would then use the slaves for crop production and property protection. Authorities approved a law, which demanded that all slaves brought into Barbados, regardless of their origins as either Amerindians or Africans, were to remain in captivity for life, responding to the calls of their masters without bargain. With such laws in mid, the colonial masters knew that the slaves and their offspring were under their controlled at all instances. In order to include the position of the offspring, the legal authorities of Barbados later raised slave ownership laws to even include their offspring.[5] The ownership law considered slaves as the property of their respective masters and gave power to masters to use the slaves as they so wish for the general growth of the nation. At that time, only about 22 free colored individuals lived on the island. A slave differed from white-colored servants as indentured workers; these servants worked on the plantations, in homes, harvested the plants, looked after the animals, and assisted in the construction of various structures on their master’s lands.

            In terms of settlement after arriving, Barbadian slaves acquired most of their food through rations, usually allocated every week, from plantations. Among the Western native Indian areas, Barbados was categorized in between what was considered to be part of the Britain’s process of enhancing liberation from slavery.[6] In Barbados, although food was brought in, considering the whole of the servant interval this indicates that most food was regionally created and was harvested in plantation areas known as supply grounds. These grounds were jointly proved helpful by servant gangs as one aspect of their normal production. Moreover, many farms provided the adults with small houses and plots on which they harvested food plants and brought up their young ones. These areas usually proved helpful on Saturdays and Sundays or during vacations, and their labour was channeled to manufacturing. The homesteads were used to enhance plantation food rations or interchanged in the island’s marketplaces for food or material products not provided by the plantation. Small garden plots of the area were allocated slaves, starting around the mid-seventeenth century, but these plots were never codified in law.[7] For example, in earlier times the humble tenements were generally close to the main home, but after that the landowner either renewed his own home on a new site or, more frequently, eliminated all or some aspects of the village from near his residence to the borders of the property, creating recreational areas around the main home.

            Moreover, from the early 1750, land owners increased their efforts to enhance the scenery of the new villages and plan them depending on official visual deals[8]. Some of the changes in Britain probably had some effect on planter involvement in the framework of servant agreements. However, this involvement seems to have mainly improved in Barbados, because of common ameliorative styles in the West Indies and the increasing focus on servant well-being. Some Barbadian plantation owners had a strong belief that the health and well-being of their servants could be enhanced if they acquired more wealth. Thus, they looked for more opportunities to engage these white servants by engaging them in building home areas for the Black slaves at the back of their yards and consequently, their homes became less crowded.

Throughout the period of slavery, most Barbadian slaves were allowed to build themselves small shacks to live in; they designed and fixed their own homes without planter involvement, and built their own homes. The most typical Barbadian residence, greatly affected by Western Africa structural types, was a small, low, rectangle-shaped wattle-and-daub framework with a loaded earth/dirt floor and a delivered, thatched ceiling.[9] There were many home types and structural modifications in Western and West-Central Africa, but the evidence from Barbados indicates that the wattle-and-daub home, also found in other places in the Caribbean, was very similar to rectangle-shaped, gable-roofed allocated on the southern part of modern Ghana, as well as in other forest regions of Western and Central Africa. This home was protected with oil-palm leaves. The wattle in the Barbadian slave home, as in others of this kind, was established by placing wood-made content or levels in the ground to form a framework; this was then intertwined with branches or slimmer shrub divisions. The wattle was applied internally with a mud or clay-based mortar.[10]

The trade of slave was financed through the trade in sugar and tobacco. As each ship made a trip to bring slaves, the return trip carried tobacco or sugar. The visitors were valuable to the financial systems of Britain and its colonies. The requirement for labour had to be consistently met with the development of production: sugar in the West Indies and tobacco in America. The sugar plantation consequently became established in both these financial systems. However, sugar was central to the West Indies economic system, allowing Barbados to become the wealthiest English possessions. The formal meaning of a white indentured servitude was a women or man who would emigrate after deciding upon a contract to provide a planter in the plantations for a period of five to seven years. The contract outlined that their deaths would be compensated effectively. When their contract was terminated, they would receive either sugar or considerably compensation that is comparable in value. In the 1650s, approximately 72,000 people, almost all indentured servants, went from Britain to the New World. It was the common contract at the sufficient time that servants were not being considered for permanent employment, were perceived as vagrants and malefactors whom the mother nation was grateful to ‘get rid of’ to the colonies.[11]

            Some of them may have been experienced artisans, for Barbadians allowed slave to take part in the artistry of wood working, brickwork, smiting, and coopering.[12] As earlier recounted, slaves protected the community. During the eighteenth century, the primary resource of labour for the indentured servants who emigrated from Europe was derived from planting tobacco and cotton. As the pure cotton and tobacco market began to decline following the lack of sufficient labours and other difficult circumstances, there emerged the need for sugar plantations.[13] The extensive laws of 1661 signify the conscious initiatives on the aspect of the Barbados matched the New World expertise, and to make obvious differences between the position of Christian servants and black slaves. While Bacon’s revolt of 1676 may have halted the plantation activities, the need to negotiate national slavery was more urgent. Moreover, through the development of the Barbadian culture, there emerged new methods of economic developments.[14]

            Such economic developments brought about increased demand for the white servants and more African slaves. This was especially increased by the development of sugar plantations. Sugar required labour and this added into Barbados’s popularity among English masters. The tobacco plantations required more attention and significant amounts of work all the year‐round. Basic resources and growing techniques made this intense pattern even more challenging. Areas were eliminated by girdling plants, and the tree‐stump‐studded fields were hoed instead of being ploughed. Colonists also had to develop food plants in the middle of the tobacco manufacturing cycle leaving little time for leisure. Originally white servants from England were introduced as either as indentured servants or criminals. For example, after the rebellion, many Western Africans were sent into exile in Barbados.[15]

            Barbados easily obtained the largest white population of any of the English islands. In many respects, Barbados was regarded as the major springboard for English colonisation, enjoying extensive trade with Carolinas, and delivering a continuous circulation of residents to other places. Nonetheless, as the price of white labour in Britain increased, most plantation owners turned to African to seek their resources of human labour.[16] Due to the requirement for forced labour force after the sugar plantation became the trend, Africans became the apparent option for slaves, for the simple reason that they were considered as strong and Africa was nearer than European countries to the Caribbean. Slaves were easily transported to Barbados by those who were selling them to masters because they were helped by the trade winds ruining towards the shores.[17] A prospective industry thus established for slaves and also sugar-manufacturing equipment by Dutch merchants who were to provide Barbados with their specifications of forced labour from West Africa in modern countries like Cameroon, Ghana, Sierra Leone, Nigeria and others. Many of the slaves were not able to endure the trip from Africa, but many individuals still arrived in the plantations.[18]

            Black slaves, especially those from African countries like Ghana were exported in large numbers. African tribes like the Fante, Ewe, Fon and Asante offered human labour to Barbados. Other groups from Nigeria like the Igbo, Yoruba, Ibibio and Efik also offered their human labour services. Africans were transported to Barbados against their will in congested and unclean containers. Nonetheless, with time, most of these slaves were again re-exported to different slave masters based either in the West Indies or to the American mainlands. This period also marked an increase in the number of deaths among slaves operating on the sugar farms.

Early Economy (Servants)

            Labour was needed to work on tobacco, and so Barbados was promoted as a place that thrived through the demand for more labourers. Barbados was seen as an eye-catching location for impecunious white English men and women who had few opportunities in Britain. The agreement was that the labourer would indicate their abilities to perform as a servant for a planter in Barbados for five to ten years.[19] These English servants would indicate this interval of their lives over to the English plantation in Barbados in return for three things: first, their travel expenses were compensated from Britain to Barbados. Secondly, they would be sheltered, given food and provided for with adequate water supplies by the plantation owners during their rental in Barbados. Thirdly, on expiry of their contract, they would be given either a piece of land or a sum of cash.[20] As a result, this must have seemed like a great opportunity and their one chance to own a part of land to make them. Labourers were also acquired from the population of convicted prisoners. Some criminal offenses, such as robbery, were penalised by hanging. However, prisoners were given the option either to be hanged, or to be transported.[21]

Given the choices, it is obvious to see why there were many indentured servants who were convicted prisoners. As it illustrates that this trade proved helpful in enticing laborers to the island and originally indentured servants were affordable. However, as the requirements of the Barbadian plantation workers increased, the supply of white servants could no longer offer enough labourers to fulfill labour needs. Therefore, Britain made the decision on two amendments to fulfill the requirements of its growing colonies; one of the ways that was used was through kidnapping. This resulted in the business becoming very profitable whereby men, women and children would all be kidnapped.[22]

            Those that had been misled before being put on the ships would awaken to discover themselves midway across the sea to a group with no option but to agree to their destiny. Secondly, they used war criminals. Oliver Cromwell is one of the prominent personalities linked to the slavery activities on the Barbado plantations.[23] He began this exercise with the Irish Revolt in 1649, and this way of penalties ongoing with the Penruddock rebellion in 1655. The Barbadian plantation masters were expected to ensure that the number of slaves and servants remained consistent for their lands thus they slightly increased their incomes to retain them. There was increased need to make more money, especially for the British slave traders who needed to support their business. With such demands, it was highly unlikely that the suffering of the indentured white servants would decline. The indentured servitude was perceived as basically, another kind of chattel, or residence, of the plantation farm proprietor – and they began to be handled as such.

Issues of Transition; Transition to Sugar and then Transition to Slavery

            Due to the successful servant trade, the Africa existence in Barbados improved. Indentured servants, who were once the primary source of labour, started to question their future on the island and started to keep Barbados in the area.[24] In time, more white servants emigrated to nearby isles. Therefore, the demand for white servants on sugar plantation had been reduced. Barbados remained a plantation-slave community, politically and financially with a little white-colored plutocracy, a significant number of whom were citizens and native-born and with a servant population that greatly outnumbered the free individuals.[25] Despite the restricted roles that could be played by the slaves in the militia, the high levels of expectations to take up directives and provide protection to their masters represents one of the contradictions in Barbados’s servant community and in other Caribbean colonies.[26]This is a contradiction in the sense that in many ways, white servants significantly mistrusted slaves and noted that supporting them would breed trouble in Barbado. On the other hand, they considered themselves susceptible to foreign attack. This rebellion encouraged a view that some slaves could be trusted to protect the very community whose socioeconomic base rested upon their exploitation. These slaves, even though they were trustworthy, had difficulties in working effectively with white servant’s masters who constantly monitored their population with the fear that they would organize external rebellions. In Barbados, as it was in Britain, allowing the black people to possess arms and weapons was considered a dangerous initiative. This was despite the loyalty they demonstrated.[27]

            Indentured servants were consistently transferred to other plantations in order to prevent any possibilities of their rebellion. The White indentured servants were kept in the island without being provided with money or belongings; the white-colored indentured servants were pressured into a lifestyle similar to captivity. It is no shock then that two uprisings were organized by the servants. The first was begun at 1634, and the second in 1645.[28] Research indicates that one of the most well-known white servants that came to Barbados, and successfully escaped was Gretchen Morgan. It has nonetheless remained unclear on how he escaped.[29]

Condition of Work for Servants and Slaves

At first, bound servants colloquialism the sugarcane plants of Barbados. While not formally slaves, the contracted servants had not many rights throughout their circumstances of arrangement. The sugar plantations owners in Barbados had heavily invested in their farms and anticipated that the servants would fulfill their working obligations within three to five years to yield the desired results. In the seventeenth century, slavery and bound servitude were regarded as some form of apprenticeship where those who were physically able forced to be under the supervision of their masters.[30] Albeit genuine working circumstances were normal for bound servants, labourers on the sugar plants of Barbados encountered especially difficult circumstances. Working on the large plantation required extra efforts, so not many servants preferred the idea of working as paid specialists once their time of contracts ended with their masters. Some did not by any means remain an extensive time, leaving before their contract finished. The deficiency and cost of white-coloured labourers in Barbados was the driving force behind the plantation owners’ demand for black slaves. Somewhere around 1643 and 1684, the black population in Barbados grew from 6000 to 46,502 while the white servant population diminished from 37,200 to 23,624.[31] This explains in details the reasons behind the land possession by few white proprietors and the development of the African slave population to offer labour for these lands. All the more, a very compelling slave law was enacted in1676, with an aim of terminating bound servitude. Nonetheless, most masters expressed concerns that such a move would jeopardize their tobacco plantations and affect productivity. They continuously wiped out the importation of obligated servants from England in aid of mindful of Africans. Africans were especially, acquired for long term purposes so that even their children eventually introduced to slavery.[32]

The initial expectations of the slaves to live in better conditions like the white servants were never fulfilled as the blacks were treated as lesser beings by the white masters. The African slaves were made to work to an extent that their bodies could no longer support their labour efforts on the sugar cane plantation.[33] Forced slavery in Barbados had its special story before the movement of imprisonment. Barbados, formed the first group to have settled in the Caribbean, set the pace from bound servants to slaves. This trend was followed in the smaller regions of Antilles and all through America.

Condition of Life for the Servants and Slaves (Houses and Food Etc)

The relationships exhibited between the servants and their masters was not cohesive is any form since while the servants took all the responsibilities and responded to the needs of their masters, they had little time to enjoy from the very work they did. The life as a slave was increasingly becoming unbearable with no motivation and health considerations. This paved ways for the various conflicts between the servants and their masters, an involvement that would finally liberate slaves from inflictions and painful encounters with their masters. Despite all the problems and conflict, many indentured servants lived through and had been successful in finishing their rental contracts. The plantation owners, with no other choices, kept the conditions of the rental and provided packages of area to the now launched servants. These servants after that set themselves up as farm owners and in convert promote the growing economic system of Barbados.[34] The preliminary economic system of Barbados was successful, despite the intense circumstances, due to the strength of the white indentured servitude and their wish to own land in Barbados. Servants’ level of resistance in Barbados, as elsewhere in the New World, considered a variety of types from work stoppages and feigning sickness to rebel plots, short-term illegal absences, and long-lasting runs away.[35] Servant trading was an attribute function of Barbadian servant cultures throughout the countries. However, for much of the servant interval, Barbados, relatively flat, and intensely booming isle, provided challenges of concealment and escapee community development that were missing. However, the significant types of operating away modified over time as environmental circumstances modified in Barbados. To break this down even further, in the first stage of the servants working contract, they were assigned to live in wooden houses on the plantation.[36]

Other servants may have hid in the forests alone, or moved in groups. As the wooded internal, stuffed with gullies and caverns established out of the island’s limestone cap, became exhausted and provided way of farming, mainly sugar plantations, fewer locations were available where groups of servant runaways could set up themselves in groups, invisible from the white servants regulators. As the island’s forests reduced, operating away took more the form of individuals or perhaps a pair of two or three individuals getting out of the sugar plantation and concealing themselves in the big plantations or other hidden locations in the landscapes. Still other servants escaped by accomplishing privacy in the cities, particularly Bridgetown, the capital sometimes efficiently moving as hundred percent free. Others were successful in getting out of Barbados by using the fishing boats or through the containers that were used to deliver goods at the Bridgetown harbour.[37]

Servants, Slave Rebellion, and Military

This shift of events on the island left the white servants working in the plantation in an unpleasant situation. Anxious by the actual size of the servant labour force and it is prospective for revolt, but reliant on the cheap and easily obtainable supply of Africa slaves; north eastern regulators reacted by institutionalizing white-colored hegemony. In addition to the rules that had previously been approved, the Barbadian assembly passed a law that banned slaves from working on the plantations without authorization from their masters in 1691. Efforts to use these rules to scare slaves and to prevent them from rebellion were not successful as the slaves initiated three significant rebellions in Barbados in 1649, 1675, and 1692.[38]    

Another reason for this is that Barbados’s military defenses were improved by the garrison of white-colored soldiers of the regular English army as well as by the black soldiers of the Western Indian Regiments. This long lasting garrison had been established in Barbados, although it was sometimes required to keep and be a part of expeditionary causes against the France. The variety of soldiers on the isle modified, however, and it is challenging to obtain numbers for all years during the beginning of nineteenth century.[39] White-colored soldiers were garrisoned at Barbados, along with close to 1,000 black men of the seventh Western Indian routes. 

In addition to the existence of English military causes, another reason that led to the lack of slave integration in the militia was that it would lead to rebellion. This was a significant concern that most researchers have documented that it would be a challenge to resolve such rebellions in case they occurred. It would also affect the confidence of the free men who intended to become part of the militia. Finally, the anxiety of a potential war or rebellion from the slaves ended and thus led to the termination of the military activities in the Caribbean. Barbados and other English colonies in Caribbean were to be exempt from the repercussions of war among Western countries. Although the exercise of mobilizing and supplying slaves for militia responsibility was stopped by the end of the nineteenth century, the exercise identified a significant part of the servant era. Aside from the conditions in militia functions, the variety and amount of equipping slaves could be improved if circumstances guaranteed it.[40]

At the beginning of Barbados’ history, white indentured servitude some escaped by the sea, eventually indicating the chance and probability that slaves did the same. However, proof from the late of seventeenth and eighteenth century showed those slaves also made their way to nearby islands through boats; some may have had access to these boats as anglers or boatmen. In the later years, African slaves took on boats that took them as far as the English islands, in the north of Barbados.[41] Whether looking for short-term or long lasting work on plantation, slaves went to other non-urban locations or, more commonly, as the years developed and as towns increased, desired the cities, especially Bridgetown, the island’s investment and significant city centre.[42]

For experienced slaves, the cities provided greater employment opportunities thus; they strived to find boat captains who would take them overseas. The comparative privacy of the cities, particularly Bridgetown, also allowed absentees to perform their everyday life under the pretext of being completely free.[43]  Trying to efficiently pass often amplified the desire for free individuals of color who could be caught as runaways and eventually sold as slaves if their free position could not be efficiently proven or verified. Over the years, maroons progressively desired sanctuary in cities and tried to efficiently pass as free men. This propensity was a direct impact of the eradication of slavery and free black people during the early years of the nineteenth century.[44]

Conclusion/Summary

 It is worth summarizing what has been discussed in the chapter above. It is evident that beyond the actual violence used on the farms, the passing of rules regulating slaves and white servants were the first governmental activities of English slave owners in promoting slavery. The enslavement of Africans had been the major reason for the growth in farming and by the 1620s when the English started to develop agreements in the Caribbean, Africa captivity had been a fitting in the Caribbean. The English in the country did not have to develop captivity out of the whole fabric, but they did have to create the lawful and governmental components to regulate this work organization, which for them was quite new.

The minutes of slave law codification analyzed in this chapter noticeable the merging of a slaveholding attention in a particular place; 1661 and 1664 in Barbados, and 1691 in Southern Carolina. In the Caribbean, the forty-year procedure of lawful adopting and advancement showed a dialectical competition between experts, indentured servants, and captive Africans through which the north-eastern devices tried to set up the methods of the New World expertise for Caribbean islands. Barbados took part in the first America boom in tobacco manufacturing released by Virginians previously in the several years. By 1640, Barbadians had eliminated much of the island’s dense jungles and extended into sea-island indigo and pure cotton. The sugar production was more intense and successful than either pure cotton or tobacco, and the mixture of more difficult work and greater earnings seems to have deepened the exploitation of Barbadian workers, captive or indentured servitude. Servants were handled more intense than the slaves people, they had unhealthy eating plan of apples, the insufficient accommodation, and the harshness of overseers who would beat a servants with a stick on the head to the extent of bleeding. Servants and slaves were both defeated viciously, but slaves ended up being branded several names that derived their self-esteem and left most of them hopelessness. In extreme cases, some masters ended up chopping off their slave’s hands and ears.

The Authorities in 1636 had not described captivity as genetic and the conversion by the 1650s basically followed the exercise of the Iberians who copied historical Portugal and the capital, among slave position was genetic. This modification took position at the same time with appearance of sugar manufacturing and the growth of the African population, which increased mostly from importation. Public interaction between plantations and their employees had never been good, but they seem to have complicated with the appearance of sugar planting. Servants had structured a fringe movement to insurgent in the beginning of 1634. In accordance with the rules approved by 1652, indentured servants also ran away from the farms in important figures, they battled back against aggressive overseers, and they took from their properties. In 1649, servants established a fringe movement to cut the throats of their masters and make themselves not only freemen, but masters of the island.

Sources

Amussen, Susan Dwyer. Caribbean Exchanges Slavery and the Transformation of English            Society, 1640-1700. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007.           <http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&db=nlab            k&AN=357222>.

Allen, Richard Blair. Slaves, Freedmen, and Indentured Labourers in Colonial Mauritius. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

Blackburn, Robin. The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern;   1492 – 1800. London [u.a.]: Verso, 1999.

Beckles, Hilary. Black Rebellion in Barbados: The Struggle against Slavery, 1627-1838.    Bridgetown, Barbados: Antilles Publications, 1984.

Beckles, Hilary. Natural Rebels: A Social History of Enslaved Black Women in Barbados. London: Zed, 1989

Brandow, James C. Genealogies of Barbados Families: From Caribbean and the Journal of          the Barbados Museum and Historical Society. Baltimore, Md: Genealogical Pub. Co,       1997.

Canny, Nicholas Patrick, and Anthony Robin Pagden. Colonial Identity in the Atlantic World,       1500-1800. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987.

Cohen, David W. The Combing of History. Chicago u.a.: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1994.

Davis, David Brion. Inhuman Bondage the Rise and fall of Slavery in the New World.        Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2006.           <http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&db=nlab            k&AN=169153>.

Elias, Marie Louise, and Josie Elias. Barbados. New York: Marshall Cavendish Benchmark,         2010

Elliott, J. H. Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America 1492-1830. New            Haven, 2006.

Eltis, David. Europeans and the Rise of African Slavery in the Americas. New York:          Cambridge University Press, 2000.

Engerman, Stanley L. Slavery, Emancipation & Freedom: Comparative Perspectives. Baton         Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2007.

Eltis, David. Europeans and the Rise of African Slavery in the Americas. New York:                      Cambridge University Press, 2000.

Gaspar, David Barry. More Than Chattel: Black Women and Slavery in the Americas.        Bloomington

[u.a.]

: Indiana Univ. Press, 1996.

Gragg, Larry Dale. The Quaker Community on Barbados: Challenging the Culture of the   Planter Class. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2009.

Handler, Jerome S., Frederick W. Lange, and Robert V. Riordan. Plantation Slavery in     Barbados: An Archaeological and Historical Investigation. Bridgewater, N.J.:       Replica Books, 2000.

Handler, J. “Unshackled Spaces: Fugitives from Slavery and Maroon Communities in        America.” Yale University: The Gilder Lehrman Center for the Study of Slavery,    Resistance and Abolition, 12/6-7/ 2002. Linebaugh, P. and Rediker, M. The Many      Headed Hydra. Beacon Press.2000.

Halloran, Vivian Nun. Exhibiting Slavery: The Caribbean Postmodern Novel as Museum. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2009.

Miller, Joseph Calder. Slavery and Slaving in World History: a Bibliography Vol. 1 Vol. 1.             Armonk, NY [u.a.]: Sharpe, 1999.

Menard, Russell R. Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Early          Barbados. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006 (p.69)

Menard, Russell R. Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Early          Barbados. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006.

Morgan, Kenneth. Slavery and the British Empire From Africa to America. Oxford: Oxford          University Press, 2007.   <http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&scope=site&db=nlebk&db=nlab       k&AN=220958>.

Newman, Simon P. A New World of Labor the Development of Plantation Slavery in the    British Atlantic. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.           <http://site.ebrary.com/id/10748809>.

O’Callaghan, S. To Hell or Barbados. Brandon Books Pub. Ltd., 2001

Philpott, Don. Barbados. Edison, NJ: Hunter Pub, 2000.

Rogozinski, Jan. A Brief History of the Caribbean: From the Arawak and Carib to the        Present. New York, 1999.

Rodriguez, Junius P. The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery. Santa Barbara, Calif: ABC-Clio, 1997.

Shales, Melissa. Barbados. London: New Holland, 2007.

Wood, Betty. Slavery in Colonial America, 1696-1776. Lanham, Md. [u.a.]: Rowman &   Littlefield, 2005.

Winter, Kari J., and Benjamin F. Prentiss. The Blind African Slave or, Memoirs of Boyrereau         Brinch, Nicknamed Jeffery Brace. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2004.          <http://site.ebrary.com/id/10223902>.


[1] Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492-1800 (London: Verso, 1997), p. 17.

[2] Betty Wood, Slavery in Colonial America, 1696-1776 (Lanham: Rowman& Littlefield, 2005), p. 5.

[3] Marie Louise Elias and Josie Elias, Cultures of the World: Barbados (New York: Marshall Cavendish Benchmark, 2010), p.18.

[4] Hilary Beckles, Natural Rebels: A Social History of Enslaved Black Women in Barbados (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1989), p. 22.

[5] Blackburn, p. 17; Joseph Calder Miller, Slavery and Slaving in World History: A Bibliography, Vol 1(Armonk: Sharpe, 1999), p 32.

[6] Jan Rogozinski, A Brief History Of The Caribbean (New York: Facts On File, 1999), p. 39

[7] Elliott, John Huxtable, Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492-1830 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), p. 23.

[8] Hilary McDBeckles, ‘Plantation Production and White “Proto-Slavery”: White Indentured Servants and the Colonization of the English West Indies, 1624-1645’, The Americas, 41. 3 (1985), 21-45 (p. 23).

[9] Richard Blair Allen, Slaves, Freedmen, and Indentured Laborers in Colonial Mauritius (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 50.

[10] Wood, p. 24.

[11] Larry Dale Gragg, The Quaker Community on Barbados: Challenging the Culture of the Planter Class (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2009), p. 31.

[12] Simon P Newman, A New World of Labor the Development of Plantation Slavery in the British Atlantic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), p. 68.

[13] Russell R. Menard, Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006), p. 57.

[14] Jerome S. Handler, Frederick W. Lange and Robert V. Riordan, Plantation Slavery in Barbados: An Archaeological and Historical Investigation (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), pp. 23-46.

[15]David Brion Davis, Inhuman Bondage: The Rise and Fall of Slavery in the New World (New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 114.

[16]Hilary McDBeckles, ‘Plantation Production and White “Proto-Slavery”: White Indentured Servants and the Colonization of the English West Indies, 1624-1645’, The Americas, 41. 3 (1985), 21-45 (p. 23).

[17]Backles, ‘Plantation Production and White “Proto-Slavery”: White Indentured Servants and the Colonization of the English West Indies, 1624-1645’, p. 23; Franklin W. Knight, The Caribbean, the Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), p. 61.

[18] Elias and Josie Elias, pp. 12-35.

[19]Beckles, ‘Plantation Production and White “Proto-Slavery”: White Indentured Servants and the Colonization of the English West Indies, pp. 38-39.

[20] Richard S. Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of the Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624-1713 (Kingston, Jamaica: Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of the West Indies Press, 2000), pp 239-241.

[21] Dunn, pp 224-225.

[22]David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change since 1492 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 200-202.

[23]Gragg, pp. 28-32.

[24]Jerome S. Handler, Frederick W. Lange and Robert V. Riordan, Plantation Slavery in Barbados: An Archaeological and Historical Investigation (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), pp. 10-26.

[25] Stanley L. Engerman, Slavery, Emancipation & Freedom: Comparative Perspectives (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2007), pp. 33-46

[26] David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p.28.

[27] James C. Brandow, Genealogies of Barbados Families: From Caribbean and the Journal of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society (Baltimore: Maryland, 1997), p.23.

[28] David William Cohen, The Combing of History (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), p.37.

[29]The Blind African Slave, Or, Memoirs of BoyrereauBrinch, Nicknamed Jeffery Brace, ed. by Kari J. Winter (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2004), p. 47.

[30]Gragg, p. 28.

[31] Hilary Beckles, Black Rebellion in Barbados: The Struggle against Slavery, 1627-1838 (Bridgetown, Barbados: Antilles Publications, 1984), pp. 34-37.

[32] Vivian Nun Halloran, Exhibiting Slavery: The Caribbean Postmodern Novel As Museum (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2009), pp. 6-19.

[33]The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery, ed. by Junius P. Rodriguez (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 1997), p.16.

[34]Colonial Identity in the Atlantic World, 1500-1800, ed. by Nicholas Canny and Anthony Robin Pagden (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), p. 47.

[35]Halloran , pp. 6-18.

[36] Sean O’Callaghan, To Hell Or Barbados: The Ethnic Cleansing of Ireland (New York: The O’Brien Press, 2001), p. 38.

[37] Menard, p. 69.

[38] Hilary Beckles, Afro-Caribbean Women & Resistance To Slavery In Barbados (London: Karnak House, 1988), p.16

[39] Susan Dwyer Amussen, Caribbean Exchanges: Slavery and the Transformation of English Society, 1640-1700 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2007), p. 17.

[40]Beckles, Black Rebellion in Barbados: The Struggle against Slavery, 1627-1838, p. 14.

[41] David Barry Gaspar and Darlene Clark Hine, More Than Chattel: Black Women and Slavery in the Americas (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996), p.54

[42]Eltis, p. 26.

[43]Beckles, Black Rebellion in Barbados: The Struggle against Slavery, 1627-1838, p. 34.

[44]Allen, p.23.